Wordtrade.comPico della Mirandola: Oration on the Dignity of Man: A New Translation and Commentary by Pico della Mirandola, edited by Francesco Borghesi, Dr Michael Papio and Dr Massimo Riva (Cambridge University Press) This is a new translation of and commentary on Pico della Mirandola's most famous work, the Oration on the Dignity of Man. It is the first English edition to provide readers with substantial notes on the text, essays that address the work's historical, philosophical, and theological context, and a survey of its reception. Often called the "Manifesto of the Renaissance," this brief but complex text was originally composed in 1486 as the inaugural speech for an assembly of intellectuals, which could have produced one of the most exhaustive metaphysical, theological, and psychological debates in history, had Pope Innocent VIII not forbidden it. This edition of the Oration reflects the spirit of the original text in bringing together experts in different fields. Not unlike the debate Pico optimistically anticipated, the resulting work is superior to the sum of its parts.
Reviewed by Amos Edelheit, National University of Ireland, Maynooth
from Notre Dame Philosophy Reviews
Ever since his 
			untimely death it seems that there has been an uninterrupted 
			interest in the thought and writings of Giovanni Pico della 
			Mirandola (1463-1494), one of the most authentic representatives of 
			Renaissance philosophy. Pico was interested in every philosophical 
			or theological trend, accumulating ideas and doctrines from the 
			ancient Greeks and Romans, from Jewish mysticism, from Arabic 
			philosophers as well as from the most recent theories in natural 
			philosophy. He lived and worked -- either as a student or as a 
			colleague -- in the most important intellectual centres of his time: 
			Padua, Florence and Paris. He associated with Nicoletto Vernia, 
			Agostino Nifo and Elijah Delmedigo on the one hand, and with Angelo 
			Poliziano and Ermolao Barbaro, Girolamo Benivieni, Marsilio Ficino 
			and Lorenzo de' Medici on the other. Pico moved quite naturally and 
			freely among different scholastic schools and humanist fashions and 
			methods while developing his own particular interest in Jewish 
			Kabbalah and its potential role in Christian theology ("inventing" a 
			unique branch of knowledge which was later regarded as Christian 
			Kabbalah). He also pursued his interest in oriental languages and 
			cultures.
Pico's Oration, 
			which stands at the centre of this new volume, has a special place 
			in Pico's oeuvre. It is regarded as a kind of a manifesto 
			of the new Renaissance spirit, mainly thanks to the first section, 
			which is still part of the captatio benevolentiae. In it 
			Pico introduces a brilliant idea, on both philosophical and 
			rhetorical grounds: since man was created last, everything was 
			already occupied and given to other created beings. God, who is 
			depicted as a demiurge and an architect, solved this problem by 
			putting man at the centre of the world so that he could better see 
			what is there and by giving him the ability to choose his own place 
			and thus to determine his own destiny. The exact philosophical and 
			theological implications of this idea are still a subject of debate 
			among Pico scholars. Pico composed the Oration in 1486. He 
			organized a public debate in Rome and intended to open it with the Oration. 
			The subject of the debate was to be nine hundred theses and 
			conclusions from them that he had gathered from diverse sources or 
			had composed under their inspiration. The debate, however, never 
			took place. The Oration was not published during Pico's 
			lifetime although he did use parts of it in his Apology (1487) 
			defending 13 of the theses against accusations of different degrees 
			of heresy. It was included in the 1496 posthumous edition of Pico's 
			works and some sixteenth-century printers titled it Oratio de 
			hominis dignitate (Oration on the Dignity of Man), the 
			name by which it became known to readers all over Europe.
There is something 
			remarkable in both the quantity and complexity that every student of 
			Renaissance philosophy immediately faces when reading either 
			humanist-oriented thinkers like Petrarch, Salutati, Bruni, Valla or 
			Manetti, for instance, or scholastic thinkers like Dominici, 
			Antoninus, Pisano or Saliviati. The essential gap between our 
			contemporary modern life-style and rhythm, on the one hand, and 
			Renaissance scholarship and erudition, on the other, can defeat the 
			strongest hearts (but only in those rare cases where honesty and 
			sincerity are involved). With regard to Pico, for instance, one 
			should be familiar with the ancient and medieval sources that were 
			available to him in Greek and Latin, along with some of the Hebrew 
			(and in some cases Aramaic) sources and with Arabic philosophy (at 
			least in Latin translations). I still strongly believe in the value 
			of such an endeavour and in promoting and advancing our 
			understanding of Renaissance philosophy by using "old-school" 
			scholarly methods: philology and a historical approach combined with 
			all the electronic devices and possibilities. Such concerns and 
			circumstances, together with the new electronic technologies (and 
			the constant need for funded projects) are pushing scholars nowadays 
			to use electronic devices in special collective research projects. 
			In such a context we find also the "Pico Project" and its first 
			print edition, the volume under review.
Massimo Riva gives 
			an overview of the Pico Project in the first chapter of Part I. Just 
			before that, in the acknowledgments section, we are told not to 
			expect any revisions in the Latin of the Oration since the 
			volume's translators and commentators (not 'editors' as they are 
			called on the cover) "adopted" the 2003 "critical text" of Francesco 
			Bausi, one of the leading Pico scholars today. The purpose of this 
			cooperative project between Brown University and the University of 
			Bologna, was "to make the Oration widely available on the 
			Internet as a resource for a wider community of scholars and 
			readers, an essential step toward a better understanding and 
			reappraisal of a legendary episode of the Renaissance" (p. 5). There 
			is nothing wrong in making a fifteenth-century text more available 
			through the Internet. How exactly this effort is going to be 
			"essential" for "a better understanding" of this text and context is 
			unclear in this statement, which is presented as the credo of 
			the whole project. More problematic is the use of the word 
			'aphorisms' (p. 6) to describe Pico's method of collecting his 
			theses or conclusions, which were only the opening declarations and 
			short accounts preceding detailed philosophical or theological 
			discussions, the kind of discussion we have in Pico's Apology that 
			has absolutely nothing in common with "our own post-modern way of 
			retrieving [diverse traditions and ideas] " (p. 6). I shall leave 
			the question as to who exactly are the "we" or "our own" open. But 
			any reader familiar with classical scholarship will find the 
			speculations concerning the advantages of "dynamic" digital editions 
			over printed editions superficial, since no serious scholar will 
			ever consider a printed critical edition of any text as "potentially 
			definitive" (p. 7), and the dynamic nature of scholarship has been 
			well known to generations of scholars many years before the 
			invention of the first computer.
Pier Cesare Bori's 
			piece is an English translation taken from his book on Pico (2000) 
			and is used here as an historical introduction to Pico's Oration. 
			Beside some relatively minor problems (for instance, Flavius 
			Mithridates is referred to (p. 13, n. 8; p. 15; p. 16, n. 17) as a 
			"colleague" of Pico, while in fact he was Pico's teacher and 
			translator employed by the Count), it is unclear why Bori gives such 
			a detailed account of Pico's famous and dramatic love affair with 
			Margherita (pp. 11-15). This is not justified by any new evidence or 
			a new interpretation of known documents. Bori refers (p. 27) to what 
			he regards as Pico's "pluralistic theoretical perspective, and his 
			capacity to see reality in the light of innumerable points of view", 
			while in fact there is very little evidence for such a "pluralistic 
			perspective." Pico's purpose in accumulating as many doctrines and 
			opinions (verba) as possible was probably to understand 
			better the reality (res) reflected in those true and 
			adequate doctrines, assuming a necessary relation between concepts 
			and reality. In other words, his novelty lies more in his historical 
			than in his conceptual approach, although this point is of course 
			open to debate. The historiographical division provided (pp. 32-33) 
			between those who emphasize the importance of mysticism and esoteric 
			doctrines in Pico's thought and those who focus on his contributions 
			to the theological tradition and to religious discourse is very 
			simplistic (a point I shall return to shortly).
There are several 
			inaccuracies in Francesco Borghesi's chronology of the main events 
			in Pico's life. For instance, Elijah (this is the standard English 
			form of this name, not 'Elia') Delmedigo is mentioned (p. 39) beside 
			"another converted Jew, Guglielmo Raimondo de Moncada," a 
			formulation which will lead non-expert readers to assume that 
			Delmedigo was also a converted Jew, which he was not. The account 
			(pp. 39-40) of Pico's famous letter to Lorenzo, in which Pico 
			compares the poets Dante, Petrarch and Lorenzo himself, does not 
			include the fact that Pico expresses a preference for the poetry of 
			Lorenzo over that of Dante or Petrarch. It is unclear why Borghesi 
			emphasizes Alemanno's competence in "reading Arabic sources in 
			Hebrew" (p. 42), while both Delmedigo and Mithridates were just as 
			competent. Alemanno brought into play his expertise and sincere 
			interest in Kabbalah. In this regard he differed from both Delmedigo 
			(a rational Aristotelian thinker in the Averroist tradition who 
			famously rejected the standard way of understanding and interpreting 
			Averroës in the Latin West by philosophers with no knowledge of 
			Arabic) and Mithridates (a translator of Kabbalistic texts who was 
			not specially engaged with the subject).
Michael Papio 
			provides a reliable account of the printed editions of Pico's Oration (pp. 
			45-51). A sharper and more consistent distinction is needed, 
			however, between a critical edition of the text, on the one hand, 
			and translations of the text, on the other; in this light the phrase 
			'English editions' (p. 51) is inaccurate and misleading.
The last two 
			sections of Part I are an account of different interpretations of 
			the Oration by Francesco Borghesi and an "Overview of the 
			Text" by six participants in the Pico Project. Part II contains the 
			Latin text (i.e., Bausi's critical text) and a new English 
			translation.
One could agree with 
			Borghesi's critique of Farmer and his obsession with the concept of 
			syncretism (in the latter's edition and translation of Pico's 900 
			theses),[1] as 
			well as with Borghesi's preference for "concord" instead (p. 54 and 
			n. 13 there). However, it is much more difficult to understand his 
			remark about "the proposition that God 'is above Being' -- a thesis 
			maintained by Plato's Academy" (p. 55). This is mere speculation and 
			is not attested by the ancient sources we have (we in fact have very 
			little information about what was actually going on in Plato's 
			Academy). If Borghesi is referring to the Academy as a school of 
			thought (i.e., the students and followers of Plato in the first 
			generations after his death), then there is an even more serious 
			problem since, as is well-known, the Academy during most of this 
			period held a skeptical approach.
			One should be more cautious and critical with regard to phrases such as 
			"mystical vocation" (p. 59) or "mystical aspect" (p. 60), which are 
			not very helpful in explaining Pico's ideas. The same goes for the 
			speculations concerning an "inclusive" or "exclusive conception of 
			Christianity" (p. 60), which immediately bring us to a very 
			dangerous account of religion as culture -- so far away from the 
			fifteenth-century notion of Christianity -- and then, to "a 
			pluralistic Christian theological doctrine," a contemporary idea 
			that again has very little in common with Pico or any other 
			Renaissance philosopher or theologian. Identifying "concordism" with 
			"religious pluralism" (p. 60) is again very problematic, and 
			reflects a very confused historiographical account which is missing 
			(see e.g., the crucial studies of Charles Trinkaus, Salvatore 
			Camporeale, John O'Malley and John D'Amico on Renaissance humanism 
			and Christianity).[2] In 
			this regard, the discussion on pages 60-65 is a step backwards. A 
			phrase such as 'concordistic theology' (p. 64) does not really 
			explain the novelty of Pico, who stands outside many unhelpful 
			historiographical categories.
The purpose of the 
			last section of Part I is not entirely clear. This "Overview of the 
			Text" contains much speculation on various sections of Pico's text. 
			On too many occasions, the discussion resembles an undisciplined 
			stream of consciousness concerning different "possibilities." What 
			would the reader gain from the observation that
Pico takes this 
			stance [that man has no place or nature of his own] not only in 
			order to exalt man's free will, flexibility, and perfectibility but 
			also, and especially, in order to argue that the ultimate goal of 
			man is the attainment of a reality that transcends every image, 
			so that humans become in effect the image of a nonimage (p. 67)?
Beyond the obvious 
			confusion and the effort to say something new at all costs we should 
			remember that no such argument concerning transcending images can be 
			found in the Oration or in any other text by Pico. Having 
			the ability to choose provides humanity with the possibility of 
			emulating the angels and even going above the angels in the cosmic 
			hierarchy, and this is why Pico immediately discusses the three 
			angelic orders in the context of human progression. This progression 
			has a very remote connection with Diotima's speech in Plato's Symposium, 
			or with the "cave analogy" in Republic 7, and the word 
			'parallelism' (p. 69) is much too strong and unjustified. On the 
			other hand, the emphasis on the importance of Pseudo-Dionysius the 
			Areopagite (e.g., pp. 72-73) is fully justified, but there is, of 
			course, nothing new in this.
In the overview, 
			Massimo Riva's discussion of Enoch and Metatron (pp. 74-78) is on 
			the one hand, full of speculations regarding "possible cabalistic 
			(and Gnostic) references" (p. 75) and unhelpful references to 
			Cassirer's "symbolic thought" (p.75, n. 29). His competence in 
			matters concerning Kabbalah, Hebrew and Aramaic, on the other hand, 
			is doubtful; so, for instance, we find  the Hebrew word מטבצ instead 
			of מטבע (p. 77 and on pp. 132-133 in Pico's text), and we 
			have חשמים instead of השמים (p. 89), but who nowadays can read 
			Hebrew?
The overall level of 
			Michael Papio's discussion of the next section of Pico's Oration (pp. 
			78-89) is better. But even here we find statements such as "Pico 
			syncretically embraces the best of the Logica antiqua and Logica 
			modernorum" (p. 83), or, "What emerges is a mode of thought 
			that seems to succeed in blending Neoplatonism and Aristotelian 
			Scholasticism quite productively" (pp. 83-84), which are far too 
			general and thus quite meaningless. Papio gives several references 
			to Maimonides (pp. 87-89), but does not suggest that he used the 
			Arabic text of the Guide of the Perplexed, only the 1995 
			English translation. It is unclear which version of the Zohar he 
			used (pp. 86-87).
Two disturbing 
			aspects of this section of "free" commentaries on Pico's Oration are 
			the many repetitions and its lack of a coherent and synthetic 
			analysis.  The obvious reason is that the section has multiple 
			authors, but that explanation does not eliminate the problem. 
			Another disturbing aspect is the endless praise given to Pier Cesare 
			Bori who played a leading role in the Pico Project. The authors in 
			this section all contiually refer to Bori's works and theses about 
			Pico, whether they make sense or not. There is, for example, an open 
			clash between Bori and Bausi. Bausi is more cautious and does not 
			see "a plurality of diverse and parallel spiritual itineraries" (p. 
			93, a citation from Bori's book), but rather justly points out the 
			priority assigned by Pico to Christianity (p. 93, n. 56). Melloni, 
			Papio, and Riva choose not to decide between the two. However, the 
			fact that Bori's account is in the main text and Bausi's in the 
			footnote is not accidental.
A general disregard 
			of the scholastic tradition and its enormous influence on Pico is 
			yet another disturbing aspect of the overview. Instead there is an 
			inflation of fashionable phrases such as 'hermeneutical stance' and 
			'hermeneutical practice' (p. 99). The biblical fact that Joshua ben 
			Nun was the leader of the people of Israel after Moses is presented 
			with the formulation: "according to various biblical narratives" (p. 
			101). The fact that Pico was in touch with, and learnt from, three 
			Jewish scholars does not mean that he "acquired these requisite 
			skills [linguistic and theological background]" (p. 103) for 
			becoming competent in independent reading of Kabbalistic texts, an 
			issue which was thrown in doubt many years ago by Chaim Wirszubski. 
			Kabbalah was already a very popular trend in the Jewish world by the 
			fifteenth century and not "relatively new within Judaism" (pp. 
			103-104), and among its few opponents we find Delmedigo. It is very 
			difficult to know what Riva means when he referes to "the cabalist 
			tradition . . . from Maimonides to Abulafia" (p. 104, n. 68), since 
			Maimonides is known for his rational and anti-mystical approach. 
			Speculations concerning Pico's "conversion to the Cabala" (pp. 
			104-105) can hardly be qualified as "scholarship."
Let us move now to 
			what is probably the volume's most significant scholarly 
			contribution, the new annotated English translation (Part II, pp. 
			107-277). It can generally be said that it is quite reliable and 
			provides the Latin-less reader with a mostly adequate translation 
			together with some useful information in the footnotes. There are, 
			of course, some minor issues regarding certain decisions taken by 
			the translators. Consider the following examples. The "dignity of 
			man" theme (p. 111, n. 7) has many ancient and medieval accounts 
			that should have been at least partially referred to, given the 
			importance of the theme; scholastic discussions might have been 
			crucial here considering Pico's scholastic formation. The words 'supremi 
			spiritus' are translated as 'the Intelligences' (pp. 118-119) 
			and no explanation is provided for this decision. The words 'emolumenta' 
			and 'dignitatem' are translated as 'dignity' and 'value' 
			(p. 163) although it would have been rather easy in this case, and 
			also more accurate, to keep the plural in 'emolumenta' and 
			render it as 'benefits', which is better in this context (the 
			benefits we gain from the liberal arts), and render 'dignitatem' 
			as 'dignity'. On the same page, the exclamation 'by Hercules!' is 
			not in the Latin and there is no explanation for it in note 116 
			(only a reference to Bausi's edition, where there probably is an 
			explanation). Pico's important critical account of the status of 
			philosophy in his own time (pp. 182-183) should have been 
			contextualized (i.e., dealing with the question of why Pico thinks 
			that philosophical activity in his time is derided and disparaged), 
			beyond following Bausi's reference to Cicero' De finibus (p. 
			183, n. 180) and even the important information provided (page 185, 
			nn. 181-182) is not enough. The mention of the word 'conscientia' 
			(pp. 188 and 196) required some scholarly account of this important 
			concept in the ancient and especially the scholastic contexts. The 
			same applies to 'disputandi genus' (p. 190) which surely 
			deserved a discussion of some scholastic practices. Important 
			remarks on Thomas and Scotus, for instance, (p. 200) or on Giles of 
			Rome, Francis of Meyronnes, Albert the Great and Henry of Ghent, (p. 
			204) did not receive any serious discussion in the footnotes. Pico's 
			remark on the unique feature that each philosophical school has (p. 
			202), as well as the addition in the Palatino manuscript ( p. 213, 
			n. 249) concerning "the privileges of truth," both deserved a 
			scholarly account in the light of his "concordism".
To conclude: this 
			volume and the Pico Project as a whole are probably going to 
			increase the availibility of Pico's Oration. But with 
			regard to the second part of thecredo of the scholars 
			participating in this project, to provide "a better understanding," 
			much more work is still needed.
			[1] S.A. 
			Farmer [ed. and trans.], Syncretism in the West: Pico's 900 
			Theses (1486) (Tempe, Ariz. 1998). See also the critical notes 
			on this edition in Luc Deitz, 'De omni re scibili: et de 
			quibusdam aliis. A New Attempt at Understanding Pico's 900 
			"Theses"', in Neulateinisches Jahrbuch 7 (2005), pp. 
			295-301. Seen in this light, Bori's assessment of Farmer’s edition 
			as being "important" (p. 19, n. 28, in the volume under review) is 
			problematic. 
			[2] These 
			four scholars of the last generation, who paid a great deal of 
			attention to the relationship between humanists and theology, 
			developed the notion of a specifically humanist theology, which they 
			interpreted in various ways: Charles Trinkaus, concentrating mainly 
			on Petrarch, Salutati, and Valla, used the term 'rhetorical 
			theology'; Salvatore Camporeale, focusing primarily on Valla, used 
			the term 'teologia umanistica'; and John O'Malley, who 
			studied sermons delivered in Rome, coined the term 'Renaissance 
			theology'. See Charles Trinkaus, In Our Image and Likeness: 
			Humanity and Divinity in Italian Humanist Thought, 2 vols., 
			(London 1970); The Scope of Renaissance Humanism (Ann Arbor 
			1983); Salvatore I. Camporeale, Lorenzo Valla: umanesimo e 
			teologia (Florence 1972); Lorenzo Valla: umanesimo, riforma 
			e controriforma, studi e testi, (Rome 2002); John O’Malley, Praise 
			and Blame in Renaissance Rome: Rhetoric, Doctrine, and Reform in 
			Sacred Orators of the Papal Court 1450-1521 (Durham, North 
			Carolina 1979). See also the historiographical remarks in 
			Camporeale, Lorenzo Valla: umanesimo… (2002), p. 247, n. 
			60; p. 346, n. 12. For the relation between Roman humanism and 
			religion see John F. D'Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal 
			Rome: Humanists and Churchmen on the Eve of the Reformation (Baltimore 
			1983), especially pp. 144-168. D'Amico on p. 167 prefers, for his 
			historical context, the term 'theologia erudita' or 'docta' to 
			Trinkaus' 'theologia rhetorica'. 
Syncretism in the West: Pico's 900 Theses (1486): The Evolution of Traditional Religious and Philosophical Systems With a Revised Text, English Translation, and Commentary by Stephen A. Farmer, Giovanni Pico Della Mirandola (MRTS: Medieval and Renaissance Texts & Studies) Born to the noble family of the Counts of Mirandola and Concordia near Modena, Pico lived on the edge of two distinct cultural periods, the former rooted in medieval scholasticism, the latter characterized by the humanistic revival of classical thought. Pico's bright intellectualality and strong curiosity led him to study thoroughly both medieval and classical traditions in the most renowned cultural centers of learning of his time.. His multifaceted interests in all kinds of knowledge, his peculiar life, as well as his precocious death constituted the basis for the rapid flourishing of his fame and for the spreading of his legendary biography also beyond Italian borders.
The myth of the "phoenix of his time", as the young Count was designated already by his contemporaries, has affected scholarly interpretations of Pico's intellectual speculation. Throughout the centuries, Pico's system of thought has been viewed as one of the earlier, more faithful, and most complete expressions of humanism. But his true originality actually becomes in Christianizing the Jewish kabbala and beginning a long line of Christian kabbalaistic speculation and magic.
Of scrupulous significance in this regard is the role played by hermetic theosophy in Pico's attempt to create an all-inclusive system of comprehension, deliberate to embrace and merge the most diverse philosophical and theological authorities. His plan of launching a concurrent syncretism (concordia) between a variety of religions and philosophical canons was unquestionably based upon scholarly fundamentals of his day.
Pico realized he had found in Jewish kabbala one of the major links between rational and religious systems of thought.
In 1486, while composing his famous 900 Theses, he resorted for 
			the first time to a wide range of Jewish kabbalistic works, which 
			had been translated on his request by the Jewish convert Flavius 
			Mithridates (ca. 1450-1489). Pico plan was to submit and discuss all 
			his Theses (which he had printed at the end of 1486) during a 
			conference to be held in 
In one of the Conclusions condemned by the Church, Pico affirmed that 'no knowledge gives us more certainty about Christ's divinity than magic and Kabbalah'. In order to defend this ambiguous claim, Pico made an effort in his Apology to distinguish a good from an evil form of magic, as well as a positive from a negative Kabbalah. According to this distinction, the term Kabbalah was employed by the Jews to point out two distinct hidden disciplines, one dealing with a method for combining letters of the Hebrew alphabet (such a device, according to Pico, was not dissimilar from Ramon Llull's Ars), the second dealing with an investigation of the celestial beings dwelling above the sphere of the Moon; this second discipline was considered by the humanist as the higher form of natural magic. Thus, if investigation of supernal entities could be carried out by means of natural magic, this sort of kabbalistic magic would certainly allow the initiate to penetrate the mysteries of the divinity of Christ. In of the many ways his 900 Theses was a work that never received the explication it deserved and was planned, because it was aborted by the church, suspicious of syncretic systems as corrosive to dogma, and hence, to faith.
Farmer has come a long way in reconstructing the probable systems that Pico would have used to synthesize all knowledge as represented by these Theses arranged historically. Besides being the first full and only modern translation of the 900 Theses, using the special numbering system and a computer analysis of the language, Farmer makes a strong case for a much more original synthesis than has been conjectured by other modern scholars who have tended to look at the 900 Theses in a piecemeal fashion.
According to Farmer, ‘By the time of Pico's proposed the 
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