Saving the Ranch: Conservation Easement Design in the American West by Anthony Anella, John B. Wright, photographs by Edward Ranney (Island Press) (Hardcover) Conservation easement design ranges from protecting the entire ranch to creating a limited, protective development. (This is explained in more detail in the following chapters.) In all cases, conservation easement design is based on protecting ranchland as a natural resource. "Success" is the long-term stewardship of the earth, which translates into the appreciation of land value over time. It honors one of America's great strengths—private property rights—while respecting the rights of future generations. More
Nature Across Cultures: Views of Nature and the Environment in
Non-Western Cultures edited by Helaine
Selin
(Science Across Cultures, 4: Kluwer Academic
Publishers) consists of 23 essays dealing with the
environmental knowledge and beliefs of cultures outside of the
The
central core of
Nature Across Cultures explores nature and the environment in eleven
different places, from Native America to Aboriginal Australia. Susan M.
Darlington, in The Spirit(s) of Conservation in Buddhist Thailand,
shows how the Thai government was able to use Buddhism both to promote
development and later to promote conservation, when the deleterious effects of
development began to emerge. She also illustrates the mix of spirit belief and
Buddhism, a hybrid form of religious belief common to many cultures. D.P.
Chattopadhyaya
talks about the long Indian tradition of naturalism in
There are four articles on the American part of the non‑Western world.
William Balee's entry on Native Views of the Environment in Amazonia
explores how local peoples from across a cultural and linguistic spectrum
recognize, name, classify, and manipulate the biotic and environmental diversity
of the Amazon region. David Browman looks at Andean folklore regarding
the weather and planting, and shows how modern scientific techniques validate
the folk beliefs. He focuses particularly on the
The
final section of
Nature Across Cultures is devoted to the study of different religions
and how they view nature. Of course, religious beliefs are not ecological ones,
but there are connections between the two that may be used to encourage
sensible, sustainable policies. Leslie Sponsel and Poranee
NatadechaSponsel
provide a systematic survey of the relationships between Buddhism and nature
through their discussion of the life and teachings of the Buddha, the monastic
and lay communities, Buddhism in the West, problems and limitations, and the
future. John Berthrong traces the historical development of Confucian
theories of nature by showing how various authoritative texts and individuals
addressed the question of understanding how human beings live in the context of
the cosmos. He treats Confucian theories of nature as part of a living, changing
discourse of natural philosophy that stretches from the time of Master Kong
(Confucius) to modern Confucian intellectuals today. James Miller
examines classic Daoist attitudes towards nature, focusing on the sky, the earth
and the body as the three important fields in which Daoism operates. Harold
Coward discusses how Hindu principles and practices keep humans and their
environment in harmony. S. Parvez Manzoor shows how Islam's vision of
nature and culture emanates from its belief in the divine transcendence. The
article describes the Islamic perception of nature as a symbolic phenomenon
rather than an autonomous and self‑subsistent reality. Finally, Jeanne Kay
Guelke addresses the themes of water resources, crop production, climate,
range management, and heritage resource preservation in both biblical and modern
The book concludes that the division between East and West or South and North, when discussing environmental knowledge and practice, is an essentialist fallacy. The linkages are more compelling than the divide, and the boundary between East and West is more meaningful as a metaphor than as a geographic fact.
Because the geographic range is global, Nature Across Cultures fills a gap in both environmental history and in cultural studies. It should find a place on the bookshelves of advanced undergraduate students, graduate students, and scholars, as well as in libraries serving those groups.
Eating in the Dark:
Even as genetically engineered foods spread throughout
Eating
in the Dark tells the story of how these new foods, most of which are
engineered either to produce or to withstand heavy doses of pesticides, quietly
entered
Hart has talked to scientists, farmers, industry members, and activists, and she
has gained unprecedented access to the inner chambers of the Environmental
Protection Agency, the United States Department of Agriculture, and the Food and
Drug Administration, where the crucial decisions have been made to allow these
foods into our stores. Combining a balanced perspective with a sense of urgency,
Eating
in the Dark is a revelatory guide to a subject of paramount importance.
Natural Assets: Democratizing Environmental Ownership
by
James K. Boyce (Editor), Barry G. Shelley (Editor) (Island
Press)
Low-income communities frequently suffer from a lack of control over the natural
resources that surround them. In many cases, their local environment has been
degraded by years of resource extraction and pollution by distant corporations
or government agencies.
Natural Assets
is composed of essays that explore strategies
for expanding the quantity and enhancing the quality of natural assets in the
hands of low-income communities and evaluate their potential to reduce poverty
and protect the environment. They propose various methods of
ecological restoration, the repairing of past damage done to the
environment, and coevolution, whereby
human interactions with the environment add to nature’s wealth. The contributors
argue that poverty reduction and environmental protection not only can go
together, but must go together. One reason is obvious: sustainable advances in
human well-being and reduction in poverty are undermined by environmental
degradation. The second reason is perhaps less apparent, but no less important:
environmental quality is undermined by large disparities of wealth and power.
·
Examines the social construction of
rights to natural resources and the environment
·
Describes efforts to curtail pollution
of the air, land, and water and to reclaim resources that have been appropriated
and abused by polluters
·
Considers sustainable agricultural
practices that not only maintain but actually increase the stock of natural
capital
·
Explores strategies to promote
sustainable forest management while reducing rural poverty
·
Examines the prospects for building
natural assets in urban areas
Drawing on evidence from across the
The environmental justice
movement argues that clean air, land and water is a basic human right, but
Natural Assets, using clear-eyed
research methodology, goes a step further and shows that putting natural assets
in the hands of the poor can play a role in poverty-fighting efforts and at the
same time actually increase our natural capital.
Coal: A Human History by Barbara Freese (Perseus
Publishing)
Part history and part environmental argument, Freese's elegant book teaches an
important lesson about the interdependence of humans and their natural
environment both for good and ill. In this remarkable book, Freese takes us on a
rich historical journey that begins three hundred million years ago and spans
the globe. From the Great Stinking Fogs of London to the rat-infested coal mines
of
The Environmentalism of the Poor: A Study of Ecological Conflicts and
Valuation by Juan Martinez-Alier (Edward Elgar) has
the explicit intention of helping to establish two emerging fields of study -
political ecology and ecological economics - and also investigating the
relations between them.
The author analyzes several manifestations of the growing ‘environmental justice
movement’, and also of ‘popular environmentalism’ and the ‘environmentalism of
the poor’, which will be seen in the coming decades as driving forces in the
process to achieve an ecologically sustainable society. He studies, in detail,
many ecological distribution conflicts in history and at present, in urban and
rural settings, showing how poor people often favor resource conservation. The
environment is thus not so much a luxury of the rich as a necessity of the poor.
The book concludes with the fundamental questions: who has the right to impose a
language of valuation and who has the power to simplify complexity?
Joan Martinez-Alier combines the study of ecological conflicts and the study of
environmental valuation in a totally original approach
Excerpt: There is a new tide in global environmentalism. It arises from social
conflicts on environmental entitlements, on the burdens of pollution, on the
sharing of uncertain environmental risks and on the loss of access to natural
resources and environmental services. There is a boom in mining and oil
extraction in tropical countries. Is compensation paid for reversible and
irreversible damage? Is restitution possible? Mangrove forests are sacrificed
for commercial shrimp farming. Who has title to the mangroves, who wins and who
loses by their destruction? Many ecological conflicts, whether they take place
inside or outside markets, whether they are local or global, come about because
economic growth means an increased use of the environment. Environmental impacts
will be felt by future generations of humans, and they are abundantly felt
already by other species. Some impacts fall now disproportionately on some human
groups. They would be felt even without economic growth, since many resources
and sinks are already exhausted at the present level of use. For instance, the
carbon sinks and reservoirs are already overflowing, so to speak. The question
is, who is entitled to use them, and in which proportion?
Ecological distribution conflicts are studied by political ecology, a field
created by geographers, anthropologists and environmental sociologists. The
unrelenting clash between economy and environment, with its ups and downs, its
new frontiers, its urgencies and uncertainties, is analysed by ecological
economics, another new field of study created mainly by ecologists and
economists who endeavour to `take Nature into account', not only in money terms
but also in physical and social terms. Ecological economics puts
incommensurability of values at the centre of its analysis. Thus the book has
the explicit intention of helping to establish two new fields of study,
political ecology and ecological economics, investigating the relations between
them.
The outline of the book is as follows. Chapter 1 delineates the main currents of environmentalism with emphasis on the environmentalism of the poor. Today, the environmental movement worldwide continues to be dominated by two main currents, the cult of wilderness and (increasingly) the gospel of eco-efficiency. However, a third current, called `environmental justice', `popular environmentalism', or `environmentalism of the poor', is growing, and it is increasingly aware of itself. Chapters 2 and 3 consider the
Chapter 7 deals with conflicts over urban planning, and over urban pollution
and traffic. Do cities produce anything of commensurable or comparable value in
return for the energy and materials they import, and for the residues they
excrete? Do they contribute in a way which is sustainable to the increasing
complexity of the system of which they are a part? Are cities to be seen as
`parasites', or rather (to use another metaphor) as `brains' that, with their
higher metabolism, dominate and organize the whole system? Are indicators of
urban unsustainability simultaneously indicators of social conflicts? On which
geographical scales should urban unsustainability be assessed?
Chapter 10 deals with international trade, also with `greenhouse politics', and
with recent conflicts over the export of genetically modified crops. Instead of
looking at so-called `green protectionism' (northern environmental standards as
non-tariff barriers), I emphasize the opposite case, explaining the theory of
ecologically unequal exchange. This chapter develops the notion of the
ecological debt which the North owes the South because of resource plundering
and the disproportionate occupation of environmental space, and it also brings
in the language of environmental security. Chapter 11 summarizes the relations
between ecological distribution conflicts, sustainability and valuation. It
gives our list of ecological distribution conflicts, and it explains why the
failures of economic valuation open up a large social space for environmental
movements. Prices depend on the outcomes of local or global ecological
distribution conflicts, we cannot know a priori what the `ecologically correct'
prices would be. Thus the purpose of the present book is to explain how the
unavoidable clash between economy and environment (which is studied by
ecological economics) gives rise to the `environmentalism of the poor' (which is
studied by political ecology). This is potentially the most powerful current of
environmentalism, and it is becoming a strong force for sustainability
(`sustainability' is a concept discussed in Chapters 2 and 3). Which are the
languages of the environmentalism of the poor? Who has the procedural power to
determine the bottom line in an environmental discussion? Who has the capacity
to simplify complexity, ruling some points of view out of order?
The geographical reach of this book is wider than anything I have written until
now, unearthing historical and present-day conflicts from
There should be no confusion about the central theme: the resistance (local and
global) expressed in many idioms to the abuse of natural environments and the
loss of livelihoods. Therefore I am trying to bring into the open the contested
social perceptions of environmental damage, but this book could not even be
conceived without the solid ground provided by the environmental sciences - the
reader is assumed to have a working knowledge of concepts invented by humans in
the course of history, such as `joules and calories', `heavy metals',
`greenhouse effect', `second law of thermodynamics', `genetic distance', and
`sulphur dioxide', which are not easy objects of deconstruction in seminars on
cultural theory.
In my book of 1987 (with Klaus Schliipmann) on the history of the ecological
critiques against economics, I showed the contradictions between economic
accounting and energy accounting, and I introduced the question of
incommensurability of values which has been the focus of later work with
Giuseppe Munda and John O'Neill. My research on the links between ecological
distribution conflicts and value system contests has built upon ideas first
clearly put forward by Martin O'Connor, shared and developed by a coherent group
of ecological economists including Silvio Funtowicz and Jerry Ravetz, the
theorists of postnormal science. My work also owes much to Ramachandra Guha, who
has written several books and essays on environmental movements of the North and
the South, and at whose home and library in
I have been one of the midwives at the protracted births over the last 20 years
of ecological economics and political ecology. I have a vested interest in their
rapid consolidation, equipped with journals, chairs, doctoral programmes,
institutes, research grants and even textbooks. Beyond university territorial
disputes, which are important, looking now towards a more distant and optimistic
future, I am interested in reflective activism and participatory research in
ecological conflicts, whether this helps academic advancement or not, whether it
fits into any academic discipline or not. We are witnessing the growth of a
worldwide movement for environmental justice which might become a powerful
factor in forcing the economy into ecological adjustment and social justice. I
am glad to be part of this movement. This book is dedicated to the members of
Accion Ecologica (
Economic convergence is a hot topic for at least three clearly distinct reasons.
The first is that it has become obvious, now also to the lowest form of
political intelligence, that on the planetary level the gap between the rich
and the poor is not getting smaller, and that this not only is an insult to the
human race but, after the events of 11 September 2001, is also a threat to world
peace.
On a smaller and less dramatic scale, convergence - secondly - is a big issue
within that part of the rich world that is the European Union. It is at the same
time a necessity for the
Thirdly, on a still more modest scale, the convergence issue is at the centre of
the discussion between the supporters of the traditional neo-classical growth
theory based on the Solow-Swan model and the advocates of the theory of
endogenous growth. Although Kaldor had already mentioned the divergent growth
rates of output per capita across countries as one of his 'stylised facts', most
economists, including growth theorists, using the traditional growth model,
seemed largely to have taken economic convergence for granted as a natural
consequence of this model. The underlying, usually silent, assumption was that
knowledge and therefore technology have the characteristics of public goods that
are freely available to all countries. The mechanisms that, at least in the
long-run, are responsible for this are socalled knowledge spillovers. Unless
these are sufficiently important, models of the Solow-Swan type, as is now well
understood, only predict 'conditional' convergence. That is, the lower the
actual level of income per efficiency unit of labour, relative to the
particular steady-state value of the economy, the faster the economy will be
moving towards this position. Conditional convergence therefore only means
convergence in the formal, not the actual, sense of the word. Since the
equilibrium value of per capita income (expressed in efficiency units) depends
on the savings rate, the growth rate of the population and the form of the
production function (the technology), rich and poor countries converge to
different steady states. If, on top of this, the rates of Harrod-neutral
technological progress are not equal in the different countries or regions of
the world, the equilibrium positions themselves may diverge.
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